Judea Magazine, No. 7.5
Hebron Etzion
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"Rebuilding Jewish Life in Judea, Israel"
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JUDEA ELECTRONIC MAGAZINE Vol.7, No.5 Tishrei-Heshvan 5760/Sept-Oct 1999
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Website: www.virtual.co.il\clients\judea
Contents:
* The Division of the Land of Israel
* The Broken Grapevine: From Maon to Mitzpe Kramim
* The Maon Farm: Living the Zionist Dream
* The Next Generation - "A Miracle has Happened"
* Gush Etzion Fights Arab Land Grab
* Nadia Returns to the Field
* Book Review: Musulman, by Dov Shilansky
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THE DIVISION OF THE LAND OF ISRAEL
We are witnessing the division of the Land of Israel. The Israeli
government is discussing the physical separation of Jews and Arabs, and
decisions are being made about who gets what. The Palestinian Authority
is setting up Arab farms in the midst of the Etzion Bloc, with German
funding (see story below). In addition, the prime minister's office and
the settlement movement leadership reached agreement on the fate of 42
new hilltop outposts set up during the previous government. The
compromises bring us all closer to understanding what we will keep and
what we will lose.
One important positive sign is the new government's welcome
willingness to talk with the settlement movement, and to listen. They
don't seem to want to repeat the scenes of public confrontation between
police and peaceful demonstrators of the 1993-96 period.
Ze'ev Hever, known as Zambish, who is in charge of Amana, the
organization set up by Gush Emunim to establish new Jewish settlements in
Judea and Samaria, described his meeting with government representatives:
"We were in quite a difficult position. We were facing a situation where
the government was about to dismantle a long list of places that it felt
were not approved by sufficiently-high authorities. Despite this, we
succeeded in preserving a large majority of the neighborhoods. This is a
significant achievement, given the circumstances. Until last night, I
truly felt that the government simply wanted to use force on us, and even
to humiliate us - but during last night's meeting, I saw that this was
not so, and that there was a desire to come towards us, to be more
flexible, and to make not merely cosmetic changes but substantial ones."
(Arutz 7 News, 14 Oct 99).
The new agreement includes unmistakable gains for Jewish settlement
in Judea (while giving away broad, and sometimes unpopulated, pieces of
the Jewish heartland over to those who teach their children to hate us).
There is now official acceptance by a Labor government for Givat HaDagan,
the northernmost hilltop of Efrat and scene of major confrontations in
1995 (see JM 3.4), thereby helping to assure the eventual construction of
the complete Efrat project covering 7 hills. Also formally recognized is
Sde Bar youth village near El David (see JM 6.4), and the northern
neighborhood of Maale Amos. Other locations where final approval for
building has been promised include western Bat Ayin and Givat HaHish near
Alon Shvut (see JM 7.1). Magen David - eastern Susiya, at the edge of the
Judean Desert, will be limited for building but will become a sheep farm
and a recognized part of Susiya.
The fate of the Maon Farm in the south Hebron Hills is still
unclear. After an agreement was reached with the IDF to move the location
of the farm two years ago, Dov Dribin (z"l) was attacked and murdered at
the site (see JM 6.3). His death changes the importance of the place in
the eyes of those who wish to honor his memory, and any solution must
recognize this.
***********************************************************************
THE BROKEN GRAPEVINE: FROM MAON TO MITZPE KRAMIM
In early October 1999 the government of Israel, together with the
leaders of the Jewish settlement movement in Judea, Samaria and Gaza,
decided to remove some of the more recent hilltop additions to the Jewish
communities in Judea and Samaria. One of these is the Maon Farm -- set up
over two years ago by three friends in the south Hebron hills. A year and
a half ago, one of the three was murdered in a terrorist attack while
they were working the land and building the first house. The murdered
young man was Dov Dribin. Today there are four families living on the
farm, just a few hundred yards from the main settlement of Maon. The site
of ancient Maon is not far from here and is first mentioned in the Bible
in Joshua 15:55 where it appears in a list of names of the cities in
Judea. Next, Maon is mentioned in the story of Saulūs pursuit of David
into the wilderness of Maon (I Samuel 23:24-25). Archeological finds
include jar handles with the Hebrew inscription "for the king" from
Israelite times as well as a synagogue from Talmudic times. A ritual bath
(mikve) was discovered underneath the synagogue. The modern farmers of
Maon have planted olive trees and grapevines, and are building permanent
homes and a synagogue. On October 20th the Women In Green (Women for
Israel's Tomorrow) joined hundreds of celebrating people when a Torah
scroll was given to the community.
Another of these hilltop communities is Mitzpe Kramim -- on a hill
just next to the parent village of Kohav Hashahar. Mitzpe Kramim is in
the hills of Ephraim just 40 minutes north of Jerusalem. Six families
live there in rows of mobile homes where they have already made sidewalks
and planted gardens. Most of the young people living here come from the
nearby town of Kohav Hashahar. There they grew up surrounded by a rocky
biblical landscape and far away from any Arab village. Kohav Hashahar
means morning star and from here there is an amazing view east to the
Jordan Valley and to the Hills of Gilad, from where the first morning
light appears. Mitzpe Kramim means "overlooking the vineyards," which
describes exactly what one sees from this hilltop -- the vineyards of
Kohav Hashahar.
On October 24th the Women In Green went to visit Mitzpe Kramim. The
mother of one of the young men from Maon was with us and she brought with
her a very special gift from Maon to the families of Mitzpe Kramim -- a
young grapevine. The grapevine had been one of 250 slated to be planted
in Maon, but it was broken and so the farmers at Maon decided that 249
was good enough. One of the young men who had been Dov Dribin's friend
and who was with him when he was murdered, decided to take the vine home
and give it to his wife to see if it could be saved. The broken vine
began to flourish and today it was planted in front of Mitzpe Kramim's
synagogue. It is a sign of the covenant between all the communities in
Judea, Samaria and Gaza, and like the broken and discarded little vine,
if given nurture and care, even the smallest communities can survive and
indeed thrive.
A new generation has arisen in the settlement movement, many of whom
are the sons and daughters of the founders of the first Jewish towns in
almost two millennia in Judea and Samaria. They are building their homes
on state land near the original communities and see these new "suburbs"
as an integral part of, and a direct continuation to, the settlement
movement. The Maon Farm and Mitzpe Kramim are a part of this renewed
movement. Will the Jews in these places be transferred out of their
homes? Will they be uprooted from the land they have reclaimed and
cultivated? Or, will their fate be like that of the broken grapevine --
growing and flourishing in the ancient Jewish homeland?
***********************************************************************
THE MAON FARM: LIVING THE ZIONIST DREAM
12 Oct 1999
The story of the Maon farm - by the Maon residents:
On the day after Pesach 1997 three friends Yehoshafat Tor, Ephraim
Perl and Dov Dribin were allotted a hill some 2 kilometers east of Moshav
Maon in the south Hebron Hills by Amana (the settlement development
company). For the first 6 months Ephraim and Yehoshafat slept on the
ground with only a canvas cover and a few dogs as company. In August 1997
after Yehoshafat was attacked and wounded by a group of Arabs, they were
given a caravan to live in.
On the day after Pesach 1998, the three were attacked and Dov Dribin
was killed by Arab terrorists. He was 28. The other two were wounded.
Dov, who was in the process of moving his wife and 4 young sons from Maon
to the farm, had not yet completed the house he was building for them.
His family remained in Maon and planted some olive trees on the farm, on
the spot where he was murdered. The farmhouse was eventually finished by
volunteers, especially by Harel Bin-Nun, a skilled builder. He was 19
years old and killed in an ambush by Arab terrorists in Yitzhar a few
months later.
Yehoshafat married 3 weeks after Dov was killed. He is now living in
the completed farmhouse with his wife and son. Ephraim is studying at the
Hebrew University at the moment and his place has been taken by Micha,
his brother, who is living in a caravan with his pregnant wife. Also
living on the farm are two more young couples with small children and a
few teenage boys who have built their own house. Over two and a half
years the families have invested all their meager savings, not being able
to leave the farm for long periods of time in case of another attack.
They are not fenced in, nor are they being defended by the army. They
have planted vineyards, olive and other trees, and had to build fences to
keep the marauding deer from the nearby nature reserve from eating their
saplings. Their sacrifice and dedication to the land is heartbreaking.
Are we going to stand by and let the Arab villagers kill and inherit
the land where they spilled Jewish blood? "Hast thou murdered and also
inherited?"
(Distributed by the Women in Green)
* * *
Malki Zonnenfeld, a resident of the Maon farm, was asked if she will
object to the planned evacuation of her home. "Of course," she responded,
and elaborated: "Prime Minister Barak said yesterday that although 'the
settlement enterprise is important and close to my heart, the government
cannot allow itself to be led by citizens' illegal initiatives.' I ask
him, if the law is so important, then why are so many Arabs allowed to
live in this same firing-range area, and no one has dreamt of evacuating
them?" She then continued, "From a political standpoint, I am sure that
the Yesha Council did the best it could to protect our interests, and
even succeeded to a certain extent. However, practically speaking, from
the field, we will continue to do whatever we can to protect our personal
- and national - home." (Arutz 7 News, 14 Oct 99)
***********************************************************************
THE NEXT GENERATION - "A MIRACLE HAS HAPPENED"
After the agreement between the Yesha Council and the government
regarding the fate of the hilltop outposts, opponents of the principle of
uprooting Jews from Eretz Israel found a new voice in Dor HaHemshech-the
Next Generation, which is organizing passive resistance to the removal of
Jewish families from their homes. The reason for their removal was
declared to be on the basis of legality -- building without a permit --
while Arabs freely build wherever they wish without permits on land under
full Israeli control, and no moves are made to apply the law equally.
Dor HaHemshech organized a demonstration opposite the prime
minister's residence in Jerusalem on 17 October 1999, the first of its
kind in three years. There was a feeling of renewal at the scene. Instead
of speeches by politicians there was much music, dancing, and even a
puppet show -- a happening -- interspersed with the words of the young
activists who live in the new outposts. Concluded veteran settlement
activist Geula Cohen [former Knesset member and underground radio
announcer during Israel's struggle for independence], "Look, a miracle
has happened that we didn't expect. We thought it was all over and that
there was no continuation, that there was no one who would struggle for
the national idea, and now -- look at these faces." (Sofia Ron, _Makor
Rishon_, 22 Oct 99, p. 22).
In fact, the children who were carried in backpacks and the baby
carriages on Gush Emunim-sponsored walks 20 years ago are now those
settling the hilltops, together with a new phenomenon -- long-haired,
secular ex-urbanites attracted by the unspoiled natural beauty and wide
open spaces of Judea and Samaria.
***********************************************************************
GUSH ETZION FIGHTS ARAB LAND GRAB
Leaders and residents of the Gush Etzion area of Judea are opposing
the IDF Civil Administration decision to give away land to the PLO
Authority (PA) for use as agricultural farms in areas situated
immediately adjacent to Jewish communities, thereby severing the
territorial continuity between the communities. Security officials and
area residents agreed about the security threat this would pose.
Among the 14 Arab farms approved, one is just west of Efrat's "Dekel
Bet" neighborhood, and another is along Derech Avot between Neve Daniel
and Kibbutz Rosh Tzurim. Government officials acknowledge that the areas
involved are designated as Area "C" under Oslo, under full Israeli civil
and military control. According to Efrat city councilor Eve Harrow, of
the 400 dunams (100 acres) in the Derech Avot location, at least 200 were
not Arab land. In addition, these acts involve handing over to the Arabs
lands designated as Area "C," without the express approval of the Israeli
cabinet.
Although Deputy Defense Minister Ephraim Sneh had placed a temporary
stop-work order on three Palestinian farms in Gush Etzion on 7 Oct 99,
work is now continuing. Local Jewish residents are explaining the dangers
to all who will listen and are seeking to stop the planned give-away of
these strategic areas in the heart of Gush Etzion.
(From _IsraelWire_, 24 Sep 99; Arutz 7 Radio, 8 Oct 99)
***********************************************************************
NADIA RETURNS TO THE FIELD
Shoshi Greenfeld
Since 1993, Nadia Matar has stood at the head of the Women In Green
movement, which brought thousands of women out into the streets in an
attempt to oppose and change the policy of Oslo. During the Netanyahu
period there was a relaxation of activities, but now, after the rise of
Barak to power, Nadia promises to return to the streets.
One night in 1993, after the Rabin government took power, was the
first time Nadia participated in a demonstration, opposite the prime
minister's house, when he began to speak of withdrawing from the Golan,
although before the elections he had said that whoever thinks of
withdrawing from there endangers Israel's security. The morning papers
the next day reported on a demonstration of settlers and Bnai Akiva
youth.
"Although I am a settler, most of the people at the demonstration
were from Tel Aviv, Jerusalem, most of them adults. The newspapers tried
to attach the stereotype that only settlers with long beards or 4-year-
old-children were demonstrating. We decided to establish a women's
movement that would counteract this, and that's how the Women In Green
started. My mother-in-law (Ruth Matar) and other friends pulled me into
it. We called ourselves 'Women for Israel's Tomorrow.' Our platform is
simple. We are fighting to enable our children and grandchildren to live
in Israel like Jews."
"We looked for ways to awaken the public and thought that not only
huge demonstrations were useful. Also 35 women can deliver a strong
message. We decided on visual demonstrations. My mother-in-law has a
complete theater, masks of politicians, kaffiyahs and the like. Every
week we took a different issue that was in the news and demonstrated.
Among its first operations, women wearing green hats stood along the
Green Line in order to underscore the danger in Oslo that threatens to
return us to the pre-1967 border." Since then, the media calls them Women
In Green.
The demonstrations were particularly original in their creativity
and humor. For example, the announcement to the media that a bus full of
refugees was coming to Rabin's house in Sheikh Munis (the Arab village
upon whose ruins Ramat Aviv was built) to ask to return to their homes.
The bus arrived full of Women In Green dressed as Arabs.
"Sometimes I feel that if I don't do something, then no one will.
This is a heavy responsibility that I would like to be rid of.
Unfortunately, I'm just getting more and more involved. When I started, I
never expected that one day I would stand at the head of a struggle or
find myself in jail. My dream was to be a housewife like my mother was."
Nadia was born in Antwerp, Belgium. Her father was a diamond
merchant, and the family was secular-traditional, or in other words:
"Rosh Hashanah Jews." "At age 18 I decided that in order to be part of
the chain of the people of Israel, I needed to accept the burden of the
commandments. It seems that the will to take part in the historical
process is what gives me the strength to improve it. It's not enough to
be part of history where the leaders move me around; I want to try to
move them as well. A Jew can live anywhere in the world, but if he wants
to be part of the chain, he has to live in Israel. I wanted to live in
the place where Jewish history is being designed and continues to
breathe."
"Israelis have a hard time understanding the strong pull we have to
the land. I made an agreement with my parents to go for a year, but once
in Israel I loved every grain of sand. I wanted to kiss every cab driver.
I was excited and cried when I saw Jewish soldiers and police."
Hanging in Nadia's home is an old black and white photo of an
engagement party. 30 people are sitting around a table in suits and
evening dresses, smiling. Only 3 of them survived the concentration camps
of Auschwitz, Birkenau and others.
"Every day I promise them: Never again. The Israeli left speaks
about the problems of the refugees, justifying the murderers of Jews with
the claim that they have nothing to eat. We are a people of refugees.
From a family of 30 only 3 remained, without bread to eat, without homes.
They didn't become terrorists. My grandmother never killed any Germans,
even though she had every reason in the world to want to do so."
Nadia never forgets the Sephardi woman who came up to her at one of
the demonstrations and said: I agree with what you say, but what does it
help that you're standing here? I make one demonstration every four years
when I cast my vote. "I answered her: in Jewish law it is written that if
a woman is being raped and she is able to scream but does not, then they
might think that she agreed. The Oslo agreements are the rape of the
people of Israel. They forced it on us through devious methods to speak
with murderers. I feel obligated to scream so that at least the history
books will record for the next generation that we screamed, that we
didn't agree. They should know that there were people who went out into
the streets every week to try to prevent it."
"The American historian Barbara Tuchman wrote a book about periods
in history when leaders made fateful decisions that later proved
disastrous, and that it had been possible at the time to know that they
were mistaken. The best example is the Trojan horse that was offered to
the people of the city as a peace offering, and the end is known. The
Oslo agreements are our Trojan horse. They speak of peace but we are
bringing the enemy inside our cities. Every agreement can be undone, also
Oslo. The only agreement that is constant is the agreement between God
and the people of Israel -- 'To you I will give this land.'"
"I hope that the people will be wise enough to stand at the
barricades and not allow the government to bring in the Trojan horse.
I'll be there."
"Ruth Matar makes jewelry from ancient coins from the period of the
First Temple, the Second Temple, and the Bar Kochba revolt. These coins
are not found in Haifa or Tel Aviv. They were found in the mountains
between Jerusalem and Hebron. This is where our history began. These
mountains underscore our right to live here. Hebron, Jerusalem, Shechem,
they are our written record in this land and the proof of our rights to
it. Whoever is unable to explain our rights to Hebron will have
difficulty explaining by what right they live in Tel Aviv. The spiritual
health of our people is dependent on our being here. Whoever cuts out
pieces of it harms our spiritual health, our ability to be productive.
Q: If you believed that Arafat truly wanted peace, would you give up
Hebron?
"If Arafat wanted peace, he wouldn't ask us to leave Hebron. If
Arafat wanted peace he would say: Let's find a way to live together. This
isn't what he says. In peace according to Arafat, we need to make the
area Judenrein, 'clean of Jews.'"
"Peres and Rabin signed an agreement that will bring war, because
even if they give over all of Judea and Samaria and bring all the Jews to
Tel Aviv and do everything that the left wants, and Peres says: That's
it, Mr. Arafat, I gave you what you wanted, now let's make Benelux,
Arafat will say: Good, but I have just one more small request -- the
right of return. I want the hundreds of refugees to return to their
places in Sheikh Munis, Haifa, and Katamon (Jerusalem). Even if [Meretz
leader] Yosi Sarid was prime minister, he wouldn't agree to this. And
then what will happen? An explosion."
In November 1995 Prime Minister Rabin was murdered. "My connection
to Rabin's murder is exactly the same as my connection to the murder of
Jesus. In both cases I'm accused of a murder I didn't commit."
On May 17, 1999, Ehud Barak became prime minister. "Barak has a
wonderful opportunity to guard the interests of the State of Israel and
to decide on red lines. The Arab world knows that they have no chance of
receiving more than Barak will give them."
"Barak promised a referendum on the Golan and I hope he will do so.
They are trying to give the impression that the Golan is already lost,
but that's not true. The public can say no. All the environmental groups
should be fighting against the agreements. In the Golan there are wide
open spaces, clean air without smoke and gas. If Meretz truly cared about
the quality of the environment, they would not give up so quickly on a
place that is the height of environmental quality."
Q: If a majority of the people vote in a referendum to leave the
Golan, will you accept that?
"Elyakim Haetzni tells the story about 3 people in a small boat in
the middle of the ocean, without food. They see no land on the horizon.
Then, in the most democratic way, two of them say to the third one:
'Instead of all of us dying, we have decided to eat you.' What can the
third one do? He can say: 'You're right. This is a democratic decision, 2
against 1; bon appetit!" But the truth is not always with the majority.
The most extreme example of this is the government of the Third Reich
that rose to power through democratic elections.
"I will not say 'bon appetit.' We will fight for our views to be
heard. I intend to visit every bus stop where there are soldiers to
convince them to refuse an order to remove Jews. Not only is such an
order undemocratic, it is also not moral. It is an historic crime.
"On 24 June 1990, after Geula Cohen suggested to remove one Arab
village temporarily, Yosi Sarid and Yair Tzaban published an article
under the headline: 'This is Our Red Line.' They issued a public call for
IDF soldiers to refuse an order to remove Arab villagers. I have the
article ready so that in our democratic country, when they arrest me, I
will take out the article and demand that Sarid and Tzaban be tried as
well. If it is immoral to remove Arabs, by the same token it is immoral
to remove Jews from their land.
"What is happening now has already happened in Jewish history: After
the return of the 12 spies, most of the people cried and did not want to
enter the land because the cities there were fortified. Today as well
people don't want the land because of the same problem. I am proud to be
part of the minority of the two spies, Caleb Ben Yefune and Yehoshua.
Their opinion won out in history."
Q: Are there periods of despair?
"Sometimes yes. It's hard to wake up this people. But I don't sink,
it just gives me more motivation to work. There are also moments of great
hope. When we go on trips through Judea and Samaria and come to some
isolated village in Samaria, then continue on a dirt road, on the top of
a hill in the middle of nowhere we find two trailers with young couples
and children, full of love for our people and our land. These people are
a ray of light for me, they give me renewed strength to return to the
struggle."
(From _Makor Rishon_, Yoman, 17 September 1999, p. 9+)
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Book Review:
MUSULMAN, by Dov Shilansky
Pearl had courage. All she prayed for was to bring safely into the
world the unborn child she was carrying. She hoped it would be a son,
whom she could name after her husband who had gone away and had never
returned. His name would be Israel.
When the secret of Pearl's pregnancy leaked out, she was summoned to
the Judenrat (as the Jewish community council was called). She was
informed that the Germans had specifically forbidden the bringing of more
children into the world; that every extra child meant another mouth to
feed, and an extra burden on the ghetto. In short, she would have to have
an abortion.
The new babies used to drive the Germans to distraction. How could
they ever exterminate the Jews if more Jews were being born all the time!
In concentrations of Jews outside the ghetto they were able to counteract
this natural phenomenon by means of castration or sterilization, whereas
in the ghetto they contented themselves with ordering the Judenrat to
explain to the Jews that children must not be brought into the world at
any cost.
A few days later a doctor came to her house. It was the Jewish
doctor who had brought her daughter into the world. Pearl gazed at the
doctor in contempt and fury. "Are you also prepared to be a party to the
murder of my child? My answer to you is - no! And if you try to use
force, my curse will go with you to your dying day."
The doctor, who had sat listening to her with his head bowed, got up
and kissed her on the forehead. He walked out of Pearl's room, walked
into the Judenrat office and stated quietly but unequivocally: "This
operation I shall not perform."
An ancient Jewish midwife delivered the new-born child. "You have a
son," Pearl heard the old woman announce, and Pearl fell asleep with a
happy smile playing on her lips. From then on, she lived practically
underground in the cellar of her house.
The problem of her child's safety haunted Pearl day and night. One
day, the Germans set up a labor camp twenty kilometers away from the
ghetto, and the Judenrat was ordered to send out there five hundred young
Jews and Jewesses without children. This gave Pearl an idea. She would
join the group bound for the labor camp and take her child there
secretly. From there she would be able to take him to Christian friends
in the countryside.
She gave the baby a sleeping potion and put him into an army
knapsack, piling some rags on top to trick the guards into believing that
the knapsack contained her personal effects. At eight o'clock in the
morning she passed through the ghetto gate and set out for the new camp
with a group of other Jews. As the marchers passed through the town with
their heavy bundles, people lined the sidewalks to see the sight of a
convoy of Jews marching under heavy S.S. military guard. The bayonetted
rifles left no one in any doubt as to the fate of any Jew who might try
to break out of line.
In the afternoon, when they had covered more than half the distance,
the unmistakable sound of a baby crying suddenly emerged from a bundle
that one of the men was carrying on his back. A surprised, puzzled look
came onto the faces of the Germans, but only for a moment. They
immediately grasped what was going on, and burst into the marching ranks
like wild beasts, tearing the packs from the bearers' backs. Without
mercy, they drove their bayonets into the bundles, or shot into them at
random. Pearl heard the cries of the Jews and the triumphant shouts of
the Germans, but went on walking, the knapsack with her baby in it
securely fastened to her back.
She lengthened her stride and carried on as if what was going on was
no concern of hers. She did not even turn her head when a German soldier,
bayonetted rifle in hand, came up behind her. She hoped that if she
behaved naturally she would divert the man's suspicions from her burden.
She took one step, then another - and suddenly she felt a blow on the
back, and the bayonet pierced the knapsack in which her innocent baby
slept.
As she fell fainting to the ground she saw the German raise the
bloodied point of his bayonet on high and announce proudly to his
comrades: "Got it!"
* * *
Holocaust survivor Dov Shilansky was Speaker of the Israel Knesset
and an opponent of the State of Israel accepting financial reparations
from Germany. _Musulman_ (Tel Aviv: Menora, 1962).
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*** BACK ISSUES ***
1993 - Vol. 1: Issues 1.1-1.6, 1994 - Vol. 2: Issues 2.1-2.6
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1997 - Vol. 5: Issues 5.1-5.6, 1998 - Vol. 6: Issues 6.1-6.6
1999 - Vol. 7: Issues 7.1-7.5
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